ASIAN COGNITIVE ELITES SOLVE THE UK HOUSING CRISIS WITH THE MUMBAI MODEL

Southall from space.  But not much space.

There has been some press coverage at last of the ingenius and rather profitable solution to the housing crisis conceived by our dusky-skinned, cognitively elite fellow countrymen.  What was that you said?  Did the Subcogs conceive the housing crisis or the solution to it?  Ah ... erm ... both.  I did not make a grammatical error, you see.

THEY are the slumdogs of Southall – a mass of immigrants living in ramshackle garden “sheds” and garages which brazenly flout planning laws.

Staring down from jets landing at nearby Heathrow, travellers could be forgiven for thinking they were arriving over Mumbai’s shanty towns — made famous by the hit movie Slumdog Millionaire — rather than a west London suburb.

Hidden from view from the street in garden after garden, the so-called “sheds with beds” have been jerry-built by rogue landlords cashing in on new arrivals.

Some sheds are homely bungalows with flat-screen TVs, power showers and central heating. Others are filthy potential death traps, with poor wiring and sanitation and plagued by rats and cockroaches.

Give it time and no one will know that’s not normal…

Exotic West London.  Sorry, Mumbai.

NO THREATS, NO INCITEMENT BUT JAILTIME JUST THE SAME

Glasgow is an uncompromising place, and its football fans have a long tradition of uncompromising hostility across the sectarian line that divides Rangers and Celtic.  But even there the thaumaturgists of the politically correct courts are visiting the Pax Judaica upon the warring factions.

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Never let it be said that Richard Williamson was cowed into submission by his January 2009 encounter with Jewish power.  The SSPX’s most politically adventurous bishop is back, via a circular to his email list, with a fresh perspective on the papal perspective on our Elder Brothers in Faith:

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by I Bismuth

STAR Date 6530993002.362083825051397 (See Footnote)

As I crossed Richmond Lock Footbridge I saw a smart suit loitering on the silly side of the railing. Its wearer, youngish, male and pale, was frowning at the river, and one by one was nodding out the seconds, a jumper on his final countdown.

“Good afternoon,” I said as I reached the launch pad. “It’s not a bad day, is it?”

The countdown aborted, he looked over his shoulder.

“No, it’s not a bad day—as last days go.”

“But the forecast for tomorrow is not so good,” I said.

Perhaps this was not the most tactful observation I could make.

“Of course,” he went on, ignoring it, “I have no right to assert it’s not a bad day as last days go. What do I know about last days? I have no personal experience of them. Like everyone else’s last day, this is my first.”

He sighed at the river, preparing to start again from ten.

“May I ask you a personal question before you go?” I said.

“You are not a man who makes a religion of minding his own business, are you?”

“I just want to know why you decided to drown yourself.”

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We are unions, students, teachers, veterans, first responders, families, the unemployed and underemployed.  We are all races, sexes and creeds.  We are the majority.  We are the 99 percent.  And we will no longer be silent.

This is a claim on the OccupyWallStreet website.  Here’s another:

Our nation, our species and our world are in crisis. The US has an important role to play in the solution, but we can no longer afford to let corporate greed and corrupt politics set the policies if our nation.

We, the people of the United States of America, considering the crisis at hand, now reassert our sovereign control of our land.

For now, the Occupy focus is on activist organisation.  A cynic would expect that the end of the road is approaching for the anti-capitalists and anarchists who have got it this far.  Already, the unions are moving in.  As a breed, so to speak, progressive but still mostly mainstream journalists are waiting to pronounce the defining words.  But it is too early to say how the ideological platform will develop and around what it will coalesce, besides opposition to economic oligarchy.

If as a movement Occupy retains its radicalism, and is not drawn into the system, and does not decline into a constructive engagement with the Democratic party as the Tea Party movement has through its engagement with the GOP, then there is an historic possibility open to it.  It could, through the agency of its more radical intellectuals, formulate and evangelise a revolutionary alternative to neoliberalism in a post-market age.

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This short essay is a reply, though not a direct one, to a (now deleted) question from GT on the thread to my piece Nationalism and the Money Power:

You would leave “the rest to the market”?  Which market is that?  The capitalist state market controlled by the few?  The state capitalist market controlled by the few?

It is also a response to Leon’s recent commentary with its, for me, non-tractable Austrian presumption.

Since I have tied both arms and legs to the hazy notion of an ontological nationalism - a philosophy which might be described as “a European reality” - I really ought to use it to feel for a nationalist alternative to that sterile, old liberal contest of the free market versus interventionism, as it was used (to PF’s chagrin) in the challenge to our so very free friend Perry.

Economy is the process of exchange, a market the means of exchange, and money the unitary value of exchange.  All forms of politics seek a realisation of some kind through exchange itself, for it is a radically transforming medium.  Nationalism’s realisation - at least, an ontological nationalism’s - is or would be, technically-speaking, the increase of the ethnic genetic interests of a people.  That can be a genetically qualitative or quantitative goal.  But its realisation will plainly require something beyond the conventional economic goals of maximal stability and freedom and a meritocracy of opportunity and prosperity, which are universals to all Western economic models.  To be worthy of the name, a nationalist political economy must be characterised by a small number of other, quite particular and inter-related goals that certainly don’t arise under a 21st century liberal regime.  These include:

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Long-standing readers of MR will know that, over the years, we have enjoyed not just warm but quite heated relations with Perry de Havilland’s uber-libertarian blog, Samizdata.  Having placed a comment of the usual incendiary kind on the thread to a Telegraph article titled Greece is slipping into the abyss, who should come along to bludgeon me with his critical-rational logic (or is it rational-critical, I never know) but Samizdata founder Perry de Havilland.

OK, so you don’t actually need to know what follows and, yes, I am being self-indulgent.  But Perry was one of the first people to ban me.  So he stands at the head of a small army of mad on-line liberals who have trespassed against me in that way, and he’s the only one I know by name, damn it!  At the very least, he deserves to be turned into a foil for an explication of our Weltanschauung.  Thus:

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The Telegraph’s on-line readers love nothing more than to maul government immigration policy, and love to maul the past government’s immigration policy above everything.  Threads of 2000 comments or more have become unremarkable with immigration articles.  Philip Johnston - a relatively brave journalist - has notched up a modest 1080 comments in 48 hours with his piece titled The Left is rewriting Britain’s immigration history.

Obviously, serious discussion becomes quite difficult at the height of the commenting action, when posts are flying in like artillery rounds on Vimy Ridge.  But when the numbers of posts and recommends are high, it does allow a certain judgement to be made about political appetites.

One such judgement concerns the popularity or otherwise of the, I presume, MI5 operation, the English Defence League, and of that anti-nationalist, Breivikian thing, anti-Jihadism in general.  Judge for yourself.

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From yesterday: